Reverend Joseph Armstrong DeLaine: Staying Humble but Fearless to Change

        Reverend Joseph Armstrong DeLaine is a SC name that, for some people, brings memories from a rougher generation. For many, he was a pastor; for others, a principal and teacher; for others, a friend, a supporter of equality, a man of compassion, and a man who embodied stoicism. The three primary qualities that define him not just as a pastor and administrator, but also as a dedicated supporter of his community's betterment, were his compassion for others and his perseverance in staying true to himself and his principles despite the trials and tribulations that may have befallen him along the way. The last was refusing the people he opposed, which they wanted to make him react in a way that would undermine his character and morality. However, he would not allow them to undermine him or what he stood for in any way that he could influence. Although many people may not recognize his name, his actions changed the United States, not just in the culture of his state, but as a nation, and jump-started what would become the basis of the American civil rights movement.

         Many southern States enforced laws that were used to confine African Americans, which were termed Jim Crow Laws. The Supreme Court’s decision in Plessy v. Ferguson (1896) upheld racial segregation as constitutional under the "separate but equal" doctrine, effectively legitimizing Jim Crow laws in the United States. This doctrine of “separate but equal” was not what it claimed to be. This would allow qualities and actions similar to those before the Civil War.

           Living in Harmony, Clarendon, South Carolina, Joseph Armstrong DeLaine was born July 2^nd, 1898, to the family of Henry Charles DeLaine and Tisbia Gamble as the 5^th child of thirteen children. Henry DeLaine pastored at Liberty Hill AME Church in the Summerton community and was on the church circuit, meaning that every eight years, he would move to a new church to pastor. Joseph grew up with a strong sense of right and wrong, a sense of being self-reliant, a belief in a community mentality, as well as a virtue of persistence. This was evident when he left his home at the tender age of 14. His son would describe how his father was punished for defending his sister from being assaulted by boys of a different race. His punishment was having to take lashes administered by his school principal, while the accused assailant was not punished. Due to his father's desire to avoid making a scene and maintain “race relations” with the White townsfolk, Joseph DeLaine would leave home and head to Atlanta for a while. Here, he would learn about street life and the human condition until his sister came and retrieved him. Upon returning home, he told his father, “I will respect your position, sir, but I did not come back for you.” Joseph would do something that very few people similar to him had a chance to do; he would not only finish 12^th grade at Manning High School but also be accepted and attend Allen University in Columbia, SC. He would pay his way through school with the award he received (though it was not substantial for a black student), as well as working as a laborer. He would complete his business associate degree in 1931 and enter Allen University’s Dickerson Seminary to pursue a Bachelor of Divinity degree.

DeLaine would preach as opportunities arose, and while pastoring at Strover’s Chapel in Columbia, he would meet the love of his life, Ms. Mattie Belton. On November 12, 1931, their union of beliefs and lives became one in marriage. They will soon become a family of five. Joseph and Mattie DeLaine would quickly find their passion for the next generation. Mrs. Mattie DeLaine would graduate with a teaching degree, and Mr. Joseph DeLaine would go by the title of Reverend after graduating from the Seminary at Allen University. Both DeLaines would be teachers, seeing firsthand the effects of “separate but equal” in education. DeLaine would pastor a church during the early years. Within a few years, Reverend DeLaine faced a tough decision at the school Macedonia Baptist High School in Blackville, where he was an educator, met with the school board, thought it improper for a black Methodist minister to teach, and demanded that he choose between his two callings (ministry and education) or transfer to the Baptist faith. DeLaine chose a path that allowed him to fulfill both needs in his community by remaining a pastor of his faith and an educator to many children. DeLaine, though, would be fired from that position. Reverend DeLaine would begin to show that his dedication to his community did not start without a reason.

                      The Reverend would be assigned to the Spring Hill circuit, which did not have a parsonage for him or his family to live in. Rev. DeLaine would ultimately use his own money and carpentry skills to build a three-bedroom parsonage for the church, primarily so his family would have a place to stay during his eight-year tenure. He would save and also work as a principal in schools, such as Bob Johnson Elementary School, located near the Village of Davis Station. In 1939, DeLaine became the principal of Liberty Hill School, while Mrs. DeLaine taught at a dilapidated Masonic lodge near Society Hill Church. He and his family would save up to purchase a large farm in Summerton, which would be their home in Clarendon County, near Spring Hill. He would find a great manager and make the farm itself self-sufficient; he would ultimately have no debt associated with owning the land or the house. Reverend DeLaine would have put Pine Grove into his rotation suddenly before his 8 years at Society Hill. This was an extra nine miles from his regular journey. From here, DeLaine would gain the reputation of a pastor who cares for his community. Rather than the “hollering pastor,” he was someone there for the community. He would be a secret keeper for some, a teacher for many (both while preaching, but also outside the church), and a mediator for some people who fell. Reverend DeLaine would view his community as a large family. When a young woman became pregnant, he would not blame her; instead, he would ensure she had a designated Sunday to return and be welcomed back. He put his faith in community, as evident in how he handled his church, believing in togetherness, understanding, and cooperation. When arguments arose, he would try to resolve the issue before it escalated out of control. In 1940, he would be transferred to Society Hill Church. A hydroelectric plant was being built on the Santee River, which has two basins (one of which would eventually become Lake Marion). The problem with Lake Marion and the riverway was that there were multiple debris (dead trees, stumps, bamboo, etc.) still in the river, and that the bridge that numerous children and adults used to get to school, but also church, was slowly getting overtaken and overwhelmed by the excessive water (mainly coming from rainfalls). When the bridge gave out, people used it as a method to ford across the river. As the river water rose, they used it as a marker for where the old road was, until the water overtook the markers. People were almost cut off if they lived on the other side of the water from the church and school, which would lead to a five- to six-mile detour to get to a place that used to take much less time. In 1941, many people started taking boats across the waterway to shorten the journey. With the church situated only a thousand feet from the water at its peak, it worked well until midsummer, during a church service, when a child unfortunately jumped from the boat but never resurfaced.  This marks the beginning of Reverend DeLaine and his wife's process, demonstrating that the Plessy v. Ferguson ruling, ‘Separate but Equal,’ was a good idea only on paper but never in practice, and should not be a precedent for his community moving forward. DeLaine would write to anyone in charge about how dangerous it was to have children cross this river with so much risk of getting caught and drowning due to the debris. His cries for help went unanswered. This would not deter him from making life better for his community.

                       The DeLaines' first involvement in the civil rights struggle would be in their efforts to secure the GI Bill for black veterans following World War II. The GI Bill (also known as the Servicemen's Readjustment Act of 1944) was designed to ensure that the vast number of jobs created during the War did not go to waste after serving their country.

“The American Legion designed the main features of what became the Servicemen’s Readjustment Act and pushed it through Congress. Both chambers of Congress unanimously passed the bill in the spring of 1944. President Franklin D. Roosevelt signed it into law on June 22, 1944, just days after the D-Day invasion of Normandy. American Legion publicist Jack Cejnar called it ‘the GI Bill of Rights,’ as it offered Federal aid to help veterans adjust to civilian life in the areas of hospitalization, purchase of homes and businesses, and especially, education. This act provided tuition, subsistence, books and supplies, equipment, and counseling services for veterans to continue their education in school or college.”

Many of Summerton’s black veterans wanted to take advantage of the Bill by enrolling in classes to improve their skills on the farm, as well as to benefit from the education it could provide. However, the local education authorities consistently failed to address this part of the veteran community. This community of veterans turned to one person whom they trusted, who was their reverend. Reverend DeLaine wrote a letter to the leader of the local education authorities, informing them that it was the responsibility of the regional education department to find a person to teach the GI classes. Rather than have them wait, Reverend DeLaine spoke to the veterans and had them find a teacher, who would then sign up to teach the GI classes.

                     In 1943-1944, many African American parents in Clarendon (especially near Davis Station) understood the power of school. Still, they knew that most of their children had difficulty attending school, much less keeping up with what was required of them. Many parents are similar to their children, as some did not complete school to stay and work on the family farm or job, thus experiencing problems with reading. Many parents wanted their children to be better than they were; therefore, they brought transportation concerns to the attention of the local school authorities. These authorities would say that they did not have the money to provide these black schools with buses, or even the gas and maintenance for this necessary piece of school transportation. Seventeen families would gather and purchase a second-hand bus to transport the children to and from school. This bus would break down frequently, and most kids would still walk to school because it was more reliable. The families could not cover the bus expenses themselves because the district, even when provided with a bus for their black students, refused to lend money for maintenance or fuel to transport the children under its responsibility. Rev. DeLaine would witness families having to give up on personal funding for fuel and maintenance because it was too expensive for those already struggling financially. The families looked at DeLaine, someone who helped the veterans achieve using the GI Bill, and did not have a problem with becoming their spokesperson. DeLaine would organize a committee to streamline the necessary tasks and present the community's needs to the superintendent. The reply was an excuse that would be used often. The superintendent of schools for the county, L.B. McCord, stated that the answer was no, but the exact words used in the conversation are unknown. The excuse that African Americans did not pay high enough taxes for the authorities to think of giving more money to them, and feel it is improper for white citizens to have to pay higher taxes to allow the influx of more money for facilities for black citizens, would be given by many other white people in power during the time.

                  The Scotts’ Branch School, part of Clarendon School District 22 (formerly), faced many problems. In the mid-1940s, the DeLaines and many other parents of Rev. Delaine’s school began showing concern for the children. In many cases, the children of Scotts’ Branch had poor attendance in the student body because the average student had to walk up to 9 miles one way to get to school. This allowed them little time for schoolwork, and for many students, school attendance was not mandatory. Additionally, it was not a priority in the poor and rural communities where these students lived, as their families often needed help more than they did in furthering their education. It was usually the case that some school districts did not even support black students going beyond a particular grade. Some schools would take students from different districts due to the lack of higher education classes beyond primary school. There were some classes where the age range and grades in a single classroom showed a lack of proper facilities. Principal and Reverend DeLaine approached the school district superintendent about obtaining a bus for their community’s students, noting that the white schools had a sufficient number of buses for their students. As a former administrator and parent whose child was zoned to attend, Reverend DeLaine would visit the school district and discuss significant changes needed for the school to improve with the school superintendent. This request was denied multiple times. Reverend DeLaine would help initiate a lawsuit against Clarendon County, originally for busing.

           The first lawsuit that DeLaine would be the center of, influentially, would involve Levi Pearson. Mr. Pearson, a landowner in the Summerton area, believed that if there were retaliation against whoever led the suit, it would be less severe against him than against his neighbors.  Levi would petition the court, with the backing of the local NAACP, saying that busing was necessary for his children. The school district served this petition in June of 1947. In October, the school district announced that Mr. Pearson was no longer interested in pursuing this case. Mr. Pearson admitted to staying true to his word in his petition to the school board, putting them on notice for violating the school's educational standards by not providing equal access to transportation for all students (for example, his children).

He would also point out the differences between white schools and black schools. The school district had 30 buses, which only picked up white students. The lawsuit also brought multiple other expenditures to light, with their differences in race and education based on racial differences. Examples of information found were available due to the annual report to the State Superintendent of SC, 1950. These would show differences in enrollment in 1949-1950 (2,375 white enrollments in both elementary [1,677] and high school [698] vs. 6,531 total black enrollments in both elementary [5,911] and high school [620]), shows how the average school term in days was consistent with whites at 180 days but for black schools would fluctuate based on grade level by 2-5 days in a given term, it would also show how money was spent at different schools based upon race, and one other important part was the average cost spent upon a student differed severely average based on race and grade level in SC with a difference in the state between the two being (this statistic is based on per pupil expense based on enrollment) a difference of $44.00 elementary age and $73.00 at high school age averaging a $62.00 difference between students just based on race. It also showed that in Clarendon County, there was a total of 31 buses for students, and that all the buses went to white schools while black schools received nothing to transport students. Mr. Pearson’s case would be presented before a judge appointed by Harold R. Boulware Sr. and argued in court by Thurgood Marshall, but it would be dismissed due to a minor technical issue. This technicality is that while his children attended the 22nd District school, his land was technically in the 5th District; thus, he could not sue because his money was not truly invested within their school system. Mr. Pearson would face severe backlash; although he was a landowner, many banks would not lend to him, and much of the equipment he would borrow to use on his property would not be available for loan. This marks the beginning of the pursuit of justice, as injustice begins to affect the lives of many.

              After the failure of Pearson’s lawsuit, Reverend DeLaine was told by Thurgood Marshal and the NAACP that no more single-person lawsuits would work. They realized that part of the problem with a single person pursuing the suit could easily be dismissed or have multiple repercussions for attempting to deliver such a blow to effect societal change. They needed a large group of people to come forward, not just to address a trivial issue like busing, but to make it revolutionary by challenging the doctrine of “separate but equal”. Many parents with children in Scott’s Branch High School, Liberty Hill Elementary, and Rambay Elementary filed a petition against the superintendent and the school district. Scott’s Branch was a combination of elementary and high school. This school was chosen because it represented all facilities designated for African American Education that were inadequate for pupils to learn in. This illustrates the differences between white and black schools in terms of class size, teachers per student, facility conditions, lighting, access to running water, and other factors, as noted during a collection at Liberty Hill AME Church.  The NAACP, Rev. DeLaine, and other concerned individuals regrouped to re-strategize, especially with their representative lawyer, Thurgood Marshall. Many parents attended the meetings at the Liberty Hill AME Church. With this sentiment in mind, the NAACP would officially send Thurgood Marshall as legal counsel for the case. Between Thurgood and Reverend DeLaine, the petitioners met to discuss the purpose of the petition and what was involved in putting their names in writing. One hundred seven signatures would be gathered on the petition from 20+ families, stating that they were concerned about the safety of their children, and by signing this petition, they also wanted it to be put in writing that the doctrine ‘separate but equal’ was anything but what it was led to believe. They also wanted the system to change so that all children would have a fair chance at a good education in a well-maintained building. Everyone in attendance knew that there were no other cases like this before to set a stance on. They would be the first case to challenge the rights to education, which would differ from what it was before.

                      It would begin with DeLaine being pushed into being the spokesperson for the suit. DeLaine understood people well enough to know how easy it was to follow the crowd and claim that what you are doing is right before the trials and tribulations start. He wanted each person also to be responsible for putting him in the position, so he would deny taking the position multiple times. Upon being thrust into that position, he would ensure that a committee was set up to share responsibility and have a secretary who could record both sides of the story.  They would first follow the proper channels by trying to have their voices heard via a meeting with the school district.

           Many subjects emerged from the case during the trial, revealing numerous “reasons” for the significant disparities between schools. Some of these subjects would involve class size, teacher job descriptions(in white schools, teachers taught a grade level, while in black schools, a single teacher might teach both 3rd grade and 12th), funding sources, pay differences between black and white teachers, etc. The importance of this trial extended not only to what transpired in the courtroom but also to events that occurred outside. Many of the petitioners faced retribution in many forms. Some, like the De Laines and other petitioners, were immediately fired from their workplaces for sending this to the court system. Many teachers in the school have been fired and replaced. The Reverend was fired, and the school district principal, Benson, sued the Reverend for slander while the court case of Briggs v. Elliot was still playing out in Charleston for federal relief. Witnesses included five school officials who were at the time being enjoined for discriminating against African American children, as well as defendants in the Clarendon County Lawsuit. This lawsuit against DeLaine would ultimately result in a judgment of $2,700.00 ($36,392.71 at the current time) being placed against him. Unfortunately, that was not the end of reprisals for Reverend DeLaine. Days later, his house would be set on fire in the Summerton area, with no hope of smoldering or of the fire department to help. Petitioners, such as Mr. Harry Briggs and his wife, were fired from their jobs, demanding that they be removed from the list. Some petitioners

“were even adamant about keeping their names on the petition. Miss Liza and Miss Gardenia, for example, went so far as to threaten to leave Mr. Harry and Mr. Bo if they removed their names.”                                                                                                                                  (Ophelia De Laine Gona, Dawn of Desegregation: J.A. De Laine and Briggs v. Elliott(Columbia, South Carolina: University of South Carolina Press, 2012), 115.)

Many bills that were to be collected near the end of the month suddenly came early, as well as multiple debts that would randomly come up from seemingly nowhere. These tactics were used not only on black families but also on white landowners and businesses that support these communities with jobs and materials. People like James Brown, a signer of the petition, were fired from Sprott’s Esso Fuel Service because of political and economic coercion of the owner by the people who wanted to keep the status quo of the Jim Crow era. That did not stop DeLaine, as well as many other petitioners, from continuing forward.

                        The court case was tried and followed the Equal protection of the laws guaranteed to them by the fourteenth amendment and (2) that Article 11 § 7 of the Constitution of South Carolina and§ 5377 of the Code of Laws of South Carolina, which required the five segregations of black and white children in public schools, were themselves violative of the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment of the United States Constitution. Ultimately, the three-judge panel, which included Judge Waties Waring, granted an injunction to equalize the educational facilities for black children in Clarendon County but denied the plaintiff’s request for an injunction abolishing segregation since there was no legal precedent for such a decision. The three-panel court will write the injunction proceedings that the Clarendon school district must amend and abide by to achieve equal schools within six months or make substantial gains.

There were multiple steps involved in advancing the case to the Supreme Court, as well as numerous obstacles and trials that were presented to the families suing. One of the most complicated challenges was dealing with the principal of Scott’s branch at the time, Mr. Benson. Benson was someone who did not want to rock the boat and unintentionally gave more problems for the education of African Americans than he helped. In a letter addressed to the board, the graduating class of 1949 from Scott's Branch listed the problems that needed to be addressed due to the lack of care and supervision in Mr. Benson’s administration. Later, it was reedited to include offenses that the parents had with Mr. Benson.

The original list included:

1. Misappropriation of money for equipment and book rentals (equipment was never provided in class, nor were books, but the money was never returned).
2. The principal neglected his duties to teach classes; he was absent 9 out of 10 times and had older female students substitute for him, even when they were learning about the subject.
3. The principal was holding students’ certificates and charging children $27 [$364.29 Today], plus an additional $7 [$94.55 Today] at the beginning of the term.
4. The 1949 class hosted two rallies that raised over $800 [$10,805.55 Today], but no receipts or information on where the funds were headed was ever provided, and Mr. Benson never mentioned what the $800 would be used for.
5. More door money was missing from eight programs made to raise money for supplies and other necessities.
6. He was charging every child $2.50 [$33.77 today] for their high school certificate, and when questioned about the charge, Mr. Benson would threaten to withhold the child’s transcript for ‘potential errors’.

These concerns from the oldest children in the community were exactly what Rev. DeLaine needed to ignite a fire within the community to fight for the better education their children deserved.  Taking this, the parents and graduating class presented their concerns to the board, only to fall on the uncaring and deaf ears of the local board of trustees. This group of petitioners would rally with the help of DeLaine and the guidance of people like Thurgood Marshall to dream bigger and have the goal not just to be in a school but to make all black schools equal to the white schools. The graduating class and parents would get their original wish when Benson was let go, only for the charge of not teaching the required classes. The fire would not die down; now that these people tasted victory, they wanted to continue moving forward into the lawsuit. The board of trustees letting Benson go would lay two traps for DeLaine. The first option would be Benson’s replacement, as they were let go before the school year ended. Scott’s Branch, however, would require an active principal, which could be filled by a teacher currently teaching there. The board would select Mrs. Mattie DeLaine, hoping to cause a conflict of interest by making Rev. DeLaine’s wife involved, which would either cause problems in the couple’s marriage or force DeLaine to cool off because of his wife’s forced involvement. The second trap was using the fact that DeLaine was involved in Mr. Benson being let go, the people wanting to keep the ‘racial relations’ the same as they had would encourage Benson to sue DeLaine for slander. DeLaine would be hit with the suit in March 1950, while experiencing a health crisis and receiving continuance due to his health. He would then go to Colombia to seek medical help, as he was unsure if a local medical professional could assist him. During this time, many members would receive death threats or threats of violence against them. DeLaine will send a letter to both the NAACP and J. Edgar Hoover (Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation), informing them of the situation. The latter gave both information as well as a thank you for officers searching the community with a blanket warrant to search for a means of printing and duplicating these threats throughout both white and black communities (Hoover would send mail stating that he or his organization was not involved with the blanket warrant).

                  Just a month later, the NAACP became fully involved in the equalization case. The school board had multiple replacement principals throughout the 1949-1950 school year, but kept falling back on Mrs. DeLaine and one other female teacher to fill the role as each left for one reason or another. The sixth principal assigned by the school district had only four months of experience, and any disciplinary decision made (such as sending a child home or to work) was reversed by the school board. Reverend DeLaine would state, along with many other concerned parents, that it is unacceptable for six different principals to be put in a situation where they never ask either the parents of students or the Committee of Action about what they might want, or even put someone inexperienced in a position without providing any support. At the end of the school year, multiple jobs opened, but many contracts connected to Rev. DeLaine, including his wife's, were not renewed. Reverend DeLaine was moved from his circuit to St. James AME Church in Lake City, SC. This was due to the pastor of St. James passing away, and the church was using wandering local pastors, but none were ordained and sent by the AME circuit.  Reverend DeLaine was forced into Lake City, but he made the most of the opportunity presented to him. He played an active role in the community. Upon entering Lake City, he had a conversation with the mayor at the time in this conversation it was discussed why DeLaine was in Lake City and recent concerning news about KKK activity that left a black owned nightclub shot up with a Klan member dead apart of a town nearby and in a serious position like a magistrate (though details would come out later who and what the person was). DeLaine would focus on his church and helping the community while still supporting the lawsuit in the Clarendon County School District, where he was the voice for these parents. He and the St. James Church in Lake City helped sponsor the local African American Boy Scouts. That did not mean his flock in Summerton thought he was abandoning them. In the weeks before the DeLaines were set to move towards Lake City, many members (being avid hunters) would guard their pastor’s house due to the amount of publicity the case was garnering, where many people were coming near their house close to Scott’s Branch to look at the school and see the condition vs. how the lawyer representing the school district portrayed it. DeLaine would often travel to Clarendon to physically be there because he did not want to make any person who followed him into this struggle feel abandoned by him. Upon arrival for the slander suit, Reverend DeLaine was appalled by the lengths to which the men labeled in the Clarendon County Suit would stoop, with some even being ministers or council members in their respective churches. The entire trial, from start to finish, would last three days. It would feature an all-white jury and witnesses, culminate in a guilty verdict on a single charge, and result in a fine of slightly over $5,000 [$67,534.66 today]. It would be slashed to $2,700 upon appeal, but Rev. DeLaine knew he and his family could not pay that fine. When the house was burned, all the insurance that was supposed to be paid to the family was forced by the insurance company to settle the slander fine.

                  Due to the stress and the deterioration of Rev. DeLaine’s health, he would pass the active role of leading to another pastor in Summerton, but would still support and be vocal. As the Clarendon County suit was moving forward, the presiding judge, J. Waties Waring, brought to the group's attention in pretrial that they should challenge Plessy v. Ferguson and demonstrate that the doctrine of “separate but equal” is anything but true. This type of direct challenge needed to be refiled with the court, and because it would challenge the legality of both Federal and State constitutional guidelines, it would have to be presented before three judges. This can be more difficult because Waring would be a part of the procedure, but this vote alone would not overturn a verdict. Judge Warring would write a dissent stating his opinion,

“As heretofore shown, the courts of this land have stricken down discrimination in higher education and have declared unequivocally that segregation is not equality. But these decisions have pruned away only the noxious fruits. Here in this case, we are asked to strike its very root. Or rather, to change the metaphor, we are asked to strike at the cause of infection and not merely at the symptoms of disease. And suppose the courts of this land are to render justice under the laws without fear or favor. In that case, justice for all men and all kinds of men, the time to do it is now, and the place is in the elementary schools where our future citizens learn their first lesson to respect the dignity of the individual in a democracy. Tome, the situation is clear and important, particularly at this time when our national leaders are called upon to show the world that our democracy means what it says and that it is a true democracy. There is no under-cover suppression of the rights of any of our citizens because of the pigmentation of their skins”.

The Supreme Court would echo this sentiment and would even be quoted by the Justices on multiple occasions.

              As this case would play out to its conclusion by 1954, it would not make life easier for Rev. DeLaine or his family. With worry about retribution, DeLaine would send his youngest children to private school as far as NC, with his eldest son, Joseph DeLaine Jr., attending college until he was drafted in the Korean War. Rev. DeLaine continued to lead his church and make a difference within his community. In the judgment of Brown v. Board, many dissents were made, and one of the groups that was the most pronounced was the White Citizens Councils. The WCC was similar in attendance and goals to the Ku Klux Klan; the primary difference between the groups was that the WCC sought to maintain a more respectable image and avoid resorting to violence as a primary means of achieving its objectives. Their main tactic was making it inhospitable for African Americans by boycotting loans, businesses, or people associated with them. Many small groups were operating across multiple counties in SC, and one interest meeting took place in Florence County in Lake City. The main speaker was L.B. McCord, the county superintendent who testified against DeLaine in the Benson case in mid-August. This would start the harassment that the DeLaine family would endure.  A larger meeting of the national WCC was held later in Charleston on October 4, 1955, to discuss the group's purpose with the public at large. October 5 at 11:05 pm, Policeman William Gray (Lake City’s African American policeman) discovered the St James church on fire. Though it would be extinguished, it would destroy the church and necessitate the building of a new place of worship. Rev. DeLaine had warned the police chief earlier in the year that “his parsonage had been the target of missiles on three occasions in the preceding 15 days.” Based on the official discovery, the church had not been occupied for four days since the Sunday service; there was no need for a fire, as the weather had not cooled sufficiently to need one. It was determined to be the result of arson, but there were no suspects identified. Just a couple of days after the fire, DeLaine would turn in a letter to the Federal Bureau of Investigation, which was mailed to him, threatening the reverend with dynamiting unless he would leave within 10 days. This letter was received while he was attending the AME convention in Charleston. The Charleston chief, William Kelly, assigned a detective to guard DeLaine during part of the convention. However, at his home in Lake City, Assistant Police Chief Huston Veal would say,

“Mr. Delaine has not reported the letter to his department, and no guard has been requested.”                                                                                                                              (Negro Minister’s Home Target of Rocks, Oranges,” Florence Morning News, September 11, 1955.)

This letter would spark a want for the AME church to move DeLaine and his family from harm yet again; however, the stoic man wanted to remain firm, saying to the bishop,

“Bishop, five years ago you said God had directed you to send me to Lake City and I didn’t want any part of that place. Now, since God directed you to send me there, I am determined to stay until God tells me to leave. Or tells you to move me.” (Gona, Ophelia De Laine. Dawn of desegregation: J.A. De Laine and Briggs v. Elliott. Columbia, South Carolina: University of South Carolina Press, 2012. pg. 178-179.)

This situation of hatred would fester for a short time until midnight on the 10th of October, Reverend DeLaine would return fire upon a car that was shooting at his house on Church Street.

Unlike Clarendon, DeLaine did not have people outside his home and would have to rely on himself to defend his family and property. DeLaine shot, intending to mark the vehicle so that it could later be identified, but also in defense of his home and wife, who was inside earlier that night. DeLaine would discover later that his ‘marking of the car’ that was encouraged by the chief of police, would also mark the culprits, who were firing shots at his house, by the shrapnel from his Winchester rifle hitting the metal frame of the vehicle.

This brief lapse in his usual stoic nature would bring a different sort of trial to him and his family, because of his ‘marking’ Florence County Sheriff John Hanna would be talking to the press in two days about how DeLaine was wanted for assault and battery with a deadly weapon. DeLaine would be on Monday night, October 10, realizing that he would have someone take him to friends in Florence with the NACCP. These people would reason with DeLaine not to go to the Florence station, but to continue leaving for Washington, DC, to stay with a cousin in the morning. This would be due to the fear of someone seeking retribution for the school case of Briggs v. Elliot. His wife, who stayed with neighbors for the night of the shooting, would leave for Colombia to be with family, mainly her mother and brother, and get away from the violence that was threatening and happening to them in the area. DeLaine’s flight from terror would not stop in Washington, DC; he would continue his escape until reaching New York. On October 11, 1955, DeLaine would be labeled a fugitive, and a warrant for assault and battery with a deadly weapon was issued in Florence County.

          DeLaine would turn himself in to the New York police and would stay at the AME church speaking about the tribulations and generational hatred of race that forced him to run from his home state. The AME Bishop in New York, as well as the Jewish Congress, would petition the Governor of New York not to extradite DeLaine. Shad Polier, chairman of the American Jewish Congress’s Executive Committee, would say,

“Mr. DeLaine is not a fugitive from justice but rather a fugitive of injustice. It is clear that he did not flee from South Carolina to escape trial for the alleged crime he committed, but rather to save his life and that of his wife. Not only was his indictment a miscarriage of justice, but it is certain he will not receive a fair trial in that community.” (“Jewish Congress Urges Asylum for Rev. DeLaine,” The Saint Louis Argus, January 13, 1956.)

DeLaine, for a little less than a year, would receive support from many people, including Talulah Bankhead, Autherine Lucy, Eleanor Roosevelt, Gus Courts, Roy Wilkins, and many others.

Rev. DeLaine was assigned to a church in Buffalo, New York, where he had to establish connections with all the church members and, with limited funds, begin from scratch again. His family felt as though they were constantly moving, and very little recognition was given by the NY AME that he was more akin to a token minister. A great example of this feeling was not even a year later, in 1956, when a civil rights rally took place in New York. In attendance were A. Phillip Randolph, Fannie Hurst, David Dubinsky, and Judge Waring. Mrs. Elenore Roosevelt was in attendance and supported the event. She was the one who noticed that the Reverend DeLaine was in attendance but had somehow not been introduced to the audience. There, she insisted that he pose for a picture with her.

The church in Buffalo would commemorate his service to the community by being the only church named after a Civil Rights leader and a Judge, called the DeLaine-Waring AME Church. DeLaine would not be able to set foot in his home state again. The closest was towards the end of his life, he and his wife would move one final time closer to family in Charlotte, NC, in 1971. He would pass away on August 3, 1974.  

The warrants for his arrest were active not just before he passed, but were finally active almost 45 years to the date of when Reverend DeLaine marked the vehicle. On October 11, 2000, both sons of Joseph DeLaine would receive a plaque commemorating the pardon of their father.

Reverend Joseph Armstrong DeLaine was a person of conviction and someone who wanted to improve the community he was in, even if it meant that he would bear the brunt of the backlash. DeLaine would face trials and tribulations that would be taxing for him and his family. It is due to Reverend DeLaine’s leadership and stoicism during those trials that would eventually lead to the Supreme Court examining a case in Clarendon County, as well as four other cases across the country, combined into a single joint case, ultimately changing the nation's direction. The Justices would use the dissent of the single judge in the state trial in the oldest of the five cases to make the ruling. All of this would not have started if Reverend DeLaine had not encouraged, supported, and been the voice of his community. This man demonstrated that your emotions and passion are excellent tools that can be used to drive your point home, but also that they must be controlled so that those who want to see you fail cannot use them against you. He shows that a community is not derived from teachers, ministers, or even people with the most money. He shows that community is the people around you, and that when a community rallies behind itself, actual change begins.

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                                                                                                                                                                                        Work Cited

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                              Interview with Joseph “Jay” DeLaine Jr., Lynches Lake Historical Society and Museum, in the home of Joseph “Jay” DeLaine Jr., June 23, 2025

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                        Wanford, Obehi, host. “The Life& Legacy Of Rev Joseph A Delaine (a minister and civil rights leader) With Vernon Burton.” Obehi Podcast. May 10, 2023

                                                                                               “Warrant Charges Shooting Assault.” Florence Morning News. October 13, 1955.

                                                                                           “We Salute the Heroes of Briggs v. Elliot.” The Times and Democrat. February 6, 2005.

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